Jake Ellzey
Republican
· TX-6 · 119th Congress
and Supply Chains (Chair) · House Committee on Appropriations · and Related Agencies · Health and Human Services · House Committee on Science · and Technology · House Committee on Small Business · House Committee on Veterans' Affairs
Influence Score
62.2
Moderately exposed
↓ -5.7
vs 118th (67.9)
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This score measures financial influence across twelve categories. Each bar shows how this member compares to all others in Congress. Longer bars mean more exposure.
Score breakdown — twelve categories
Contributionsmoney from PACs (political action committees) and individual donors
4.0
/ 12
Outside spendingmoney spent by groups to help elect them
2.5
/ 6
Spent to help elect them
$1,817,558
Outside groups that spent to help elect this member — this drives the outside-spending bar above
Spent to defeat this member
$785,906
Outside groups that spent to defeat this member (not counted in this score)
Lobbyinghow hard lobbyists push the committees this member sits on
5.0
/ 10
Revolving door
former staff now working as lobbyists
0.0
/ 3
Vote alignmenthow often they vote the way their donors want
6.8
/ 12
Contribution timingmoney arriving near key votes
0.4
/ 6
Stock tradesbuying stocks in industries they regulate
0.0
/ 1
Dark moneyfunding from groups that hide their donors
0.0
/ 2
Outbound money distributionmoney this member sends out to the party and to colleagues
12.5
/ 16
Cluster network breadthhow many coordinated funding networks back this member
4.6
/ 10
Committee jurisdiction powerthe legislative reach of the committees this member sits on
4.1
/ 10
Foreign interestforeign-interest money — Israel-policy PACs and FARA-registered institutional lobbying allocated by committee jurisdiction
9.7
/ 12
Israel-policy PACs behind this score
AMERICAN ISRAEL PUBLIC AFFAIRS COMMITTEE POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE
$17,504 direct
REPUBLICAN JEWISH COALITION POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE (RJC-PAC)
$25 direct
FARA institutional lobbying
This member’s committees are targeted by $168.52M in lobbying from FARA-registered firms representing South Korea, Japan, Saudi Arabia. This exposure is weighted at 0.2% of face value in the score — $337K.
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Score across four congresses
Score and tier for each Congress. Members are ranked against others in the same Congress, so tiers are comparable across rows. Raw scores reflect different data availability per Congress.
| Congress | Score | Tier |
|---|---|---|
| 116th · 2019-2021 | — | — |
| 117th · 2021-2023 | 42.1 | Least exposed |
| 118th · 2023-2025 | 67.9 | Highly exposed |
| 119th · 2025-2027 | 62.2 | Moderately exposed |
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Biggest funding source
The single network behind the most money and influence
Network
WITH HONOR FUND II, INC.
Total money from this network
$650,214
Number of funding networks contributing
1
— ◊ —
Where most of the money comes from
What share of their combined contributions and outside spending comes from a single network. Party committees are excluded.
Network
WITH HONOR FUND II, INC.
Share from this one network
3.6%
Amount from this network
$68,586
Total from all networks
$1,885,274
Networks contributing
293
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Who funds Ellzey
Every funding network we can measure, ranked by influence
$2,516,633
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Does the money match their power?
Whether their money comes from the industries their committees actually oversee
Money from industries they regulate
97.6%
Extra weight when money matches their committees
2.00×
Share of outside spending tied to their policy areas
58.0%
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Money timed to key votes
Donations arriving near key votes in the policy areas this member regulates
Times money arrived near a vote
11
Money that arrived near votes
$24K
Distinct donors
11
Distinct employers
9
Share of their total fundraising
0.34%
Biggest clusters of timed money
CHARLES SCHWAB
$7K
ELLIOTT INVESTMENT MANAGEMENT
$3K
FISHER INVESTMENTS
$3K
HOTCHKISS INSURANCE MANAGERS
$3K
TEXAS LOBBY LLP
$2K
LUMINA INVESTMENT ADVISORS
$1K
GIBSON DUNN CRUTCHER
$1K
GOOGLE
$1K
HOTCHKISS INSURANCE MANAGERS
$1K
TEXLAND PETROLEUM
$1K
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Top Donors
Biggest sources of contributions, grouped by employer, this cycle
CNB OF TEXAS
$68K
INFORMATION REQUESTED PER BEST EFFORTS
$60K
INFORMATION REQUESTED PER BEST EFFORTS
$41K
SOUTHWEST AIRLINES
$20K
ARCHER AUTO
$19K
RELIABLE
$17K
ALLEN CONTROL SYSTEMS
$14K
SITE DEVELOPMENT
$13K
CHARLES A KLEIN
$13K
CORNERSTONE GOVERNMENT AFFAIRS
$12K
VICTRON ENERGY
$11K
VICTORY CHURCH
$10K
BEER ALLIANCE OF TEXAS
$10K
CHARLES SCHWAB
$10K
CITADEL
$10K
CUMBERLAND DEVELOPMENT
$10K
REAL ESTATE DEVELOPER
$10K
LINDEN ENERGY
$10K
THOMPSON PIPE
$10K
SARONIC TECHNOLOGIES
$10K
Where the outside money comes from
How much of the outside spending for and against Jake Ellzey comes from groups that disclose their donors versus groups that hide them
By funding network
WITH HONOR FUND II, INC.
$867K
CLUB FOR GROWTH ACTION
$786K
AMERICAN PATRIOTS PAC
$713K
EARN INTERNATIONAL UNION OF OPERATING ENGINEERS
$120K
FREEDOM'S DEFENSE FUND
$114K
COURAGEOUS CONSERVATIVES PAC
$9K
REPUBLICAN LEADERSHIP FUND INC.
$2K
THE GUARDIAN FUND
$902
TEXAS ALLIANCE FOR LIFE FED PAC
$452
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Pro-Israel network donors
This counts contributions to this member from individuals whose FEC filings also show contributions to one of the 16 pro-Israel political action committees tracked by the Index. It is a measure of donor overlap — not a claim about why any individual gave, and not part of the influence score.
197 individuals who also gave to pro-Israel PACs contributed $990K to Jake Ellzey across 656 contributions.
Total from shared contributors
$990K
Shared contributors
197
Contributions
656
By cycle
| Cycle | Shared donors | Gifts | Total |
|---|---|---|---|
| 2022 | 89 | 379 | $244K |
| 2024 | 116 | 199 | $561K |
| 2026 | 51 | 78 | $185K |
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Jake Ellzey sits in the middle of this Congress on the index. There is a measured sponsor relationship, but the vote-alignment signal is weaker — money flows; the votes do not follow in lockstep.
Data: FEC (Federal Election Commission) filings · 118th–119th Congress · lobbying disclosures · VoteView recorded votes
All findings derived programmatically from public records · No prior knowledge required
All findings derived programmatically from public records · No prior knowledge required