Andrew S. Clyde
Republican
· GA-9 · 119th Congress
House Committee on Appropriations · and Related Agencies · Health and Human Services · House Committee on Homeland Security · and Operations · Infrastructure Protection · and Innovation · House Committee on Oversight and Reform · House Committee on the Budget
Influence Score
56.7
Moderately exposed
↑ +1.0
vs 118th (55.7)
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This score measures financial influence across twelve categories. Each bar shows how this member compares to all others in Congress. Longer bars mean more exposure.
Score breakdown — twelve categories
Contributionsmoney from PACs (political action committees) and individual donors
1.2
/ 12
Outside spendingmoney spent by groups to help elect them
0.5
/ 6
Spent to help elect them
$61,821
Outside groups that spent to help elect this member — this drives the outside-spending bar above
Spent to defeat this member
$44,440
Outside groups that spent to defeat this member (not counted in this score)
Lobbyinghow hard lobbyists push the committees this member sits on
7.5
/ 10
Vote alignmenthow often they vote the way their donors want
5.9
/ 12
Contribution timingmoney arriving near key votes
6.0
/ 6
Stock tradesbuying stocks in industries they regulate
0.0
/ 1
Dark moneyfunding from groups that hide their donors
0.0
/ 2
Outbound money distributionmoney this member sends out to the party and to colleagues
10.4
/ 16
Cluster network breadthhow many coordinated funding networks back this member
1.5
/ 10
Committee jurisdiction powerthe legislative reach of the committees this member sits on
5.3
/ 10
Foreign interestforeign-interest money — Israel-policy PACs and FARA-registered institutional lobbying allocated by committee jurisdiction
6.4
/ 12
FARA institutional lobbying
This member’s committees are targeted by $283.91M in lobbying from FARA-registered firms representing South Korea, Japan, Saudi Arabia. This exposure is weighted at 0.2% of face value in the score — $568K.
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Score across four congresses
Score and tier for each Congress. Members are ranked against others in the same Congress, so tiers are comparable across rows. Raw scores reflect different data availability per Congress.
| Congress | Score | Tier |
|---|---|---|
| 116th · 2019-2021 | — | — |
| 117th · 2021-2023 | 58.0 | Moderately exposed |
| 118th · 2023-2025 | 55.7 | Moderately exposed |
| 119th · 2025-2027 | 56.7 | Moderately exposed |
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Biggest funding source
The single network behind the most money and influence
Network
HOUSE FREEDOM ACTION
Total money from this network
$40,367
Number of funding networks contributing
1
— ◊ —
Where most of the money comes from
What share of their combined contributions and outside spending comes from a single network. Party committees are excluded.
Network
HOUSE FREEDOM ACTION
Share from this one network
22.8%
Amount from this network
$84,265
Total from all networks
$370,271
Networks contributing
74
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Who funds Clyde
Every funding network we can measure, ranked by influence
$267,713
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Does the money match their power?
Whether their money comes from the industries their committees actually oversee
Money from industries they regulate
0.5%
Extra weight when money matches their committees
1.50×
Share of outside spending tied to their policy areas
0.0%
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Money timed to key votes
Donations arriving near key votes in the policy areas this member regulates
Times money arrived near a vote
8
Money that arrived near votes
$33K
Distinct donors
14
Distinct employers
7
Share of their total fundraising
7.35%
Biggest clusters of timed money
ADV DIGITAL CABLE
$14K
ULINE
$6K
CLIPPER PETROLEUM
$5K
COVENANT LOGISTICS
$2K
STRICKLAND SONS PIPELINE
$2K
HEYWARD ALLEN TOYOTA
$2K
STRICKLAND SONS PIPELINE
$2K
THE LAW OFFICES OF BLAKE POOLE
$1K
FRANKLIN INSURANCE AGENCY
$500
HEYWARD ALLEN TOYOTA
$500
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Top Donors
Biggest sources of contributions, grouped by employer, this cycle
KITCHEN BATH DESIGN
$21K
SAULSBURY INDUSTRIES
$18K
ADV DIGITAL CABLE
$14K
JIM HARDMAN
$12K
ADV DIGITAL CABLE
$12K
DANIEL DEFENSE
$12K
RAC PROPERTIES
$12K
SYFAN LOGISTICS
$12K
MAPLARGE
$10K
DANIEL DEFENSE
$10K
SAULSBURY INDUSTRIES
$10K
SYFAN LOGISTICS
$9K
RAC PROPERTIES
$9K
RAC PROPERTIES OF ATHENS
$9K
PRO-GENEX LABORATORIES
$8K
MAPLARGE
$8K
SYFAN LOGISTICS
$8K
ADDISON ENERGY TECHNOLOGIES
$7K
DANIEL DEFENSE
$7K
MAR-JAC POULTRY
$7K
Where the outside money comes from
How much of the outside spending for and against Andrew S. Clyde comes from groups that disclose their donors versus groups that hide them
By funding network
CLUB FOR GROWTH ACTION
$1.31M
CONCERNED AMERICAN VOTERS
$980K
SPECIAL OPERATIONS FOR AMERICA
$100K
HOUSE FREEDOM ACTION
$57K
GEORGIA CONSERVATIVE ALLIANCE INC.
$44K
REPUBLICAN LEADERSHIP FUND INC.
$14K
THE GUARDIAN FUND
$902
NATIONAL ASSOCIATION FOR GUN RIGHTS INC PAC
$100
GUN RIGHTS AMERICA
$48
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Pro-Israel network donors
This counts contributions to this member from individuals whose FEC filings also show contributions to one of the 16 pro-Israel political action committees tracked by the Index. It is a measure of donor overlap — not a claim about why any individual gave, and not part of the influence score.
22 individuals who also gave to pro-Israel PACs contributed $44K to Andrew S. Clyde across 24 contributions.
Total from shared contributors
$44K
Shared contributors
22
Contributions
24
By cycle
| Cycle | Shared donors | Gifts | Total |
|---|---|---|---|
| 2022 | 7 | 7 | $14K |
| 2024 | 15 | 16 | $32K |
| 2026 | 1 | 1 | $-2K |
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Revolving Door
1 former staff member
who worked for Andrew S. Clyde or the committees they serve are now registered lobbyists.
| Lobbyist | Former position | Firm | Clients | Filings | Years |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| TUCKER WILLIAMSON | Staff Assistant to Office of Representative Andrew Clyde (2022); Staff Assistant… | HOGAN LOVELLS US LLP | 2 | 2 | 2025–2025 |
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Andrew S. Clyde sits in the middle of this Congress on the index. There is a measured sponsor relationship, but the vote-alignment signal is weaker — money flows; the votes do not follow in lockstep.
Data: FEC (Federal Election Commission) filings · 118th–119th Congress · lobbying disclosures · VoteView recorded votes
All findings derived programmatically from public records · No prior knowledge required
All findings derived programmatically from public records · No prior knowledge required